Azerbaijani Journalists and Bloggers Under Threat Across Europe

The story was originally published on Meydan TV. The version below is a translated and streamlined version of the original article. 

The reach of Azerbaijan’s crackdown has increasingly extended beyond its borders. Journalists, bloggers, and activists living in exile across Europe have reported being surveilled, followed, and threatened — raising alarms about transnational repression.

On February 18, journalist Emin Huseynov published a video from Geneva, saying he had been followed by unknown individuals, just one day after publicly challenging President Aliyev at the Munich Security Conference.

On February 22, blogger Qabil Mammadov reported in a live YouTube broadcast from Europe that two men had been detained near the home of Alemdar Bunyadov, a member of the Muslim Unity Movement in exile, and that weapons had been found in their vehicle. During the same broadcast, blogger Mehman Huseynov — who had published a series of videos about the President’s daughter-in-law, Alyona Aliyeva — stated that he was being followed by a car.

Mehman Huseynov told Meydan TV that after publishing the videos, he began receiving death threats via social media and various online platforms. He said that members of his family in Baku — his father and brother — had been taken to the State Security Service and shown intimate videos of him, in an apparent attempt to intimidate and silence him. “We had already initiated formal procedures in the country where I live, citing a threat to my life,” he said. He also noted that MP Razi Nurullayev had called for his punishment from the floor of the Azerbaijani parliament in December, in connection with his posts about the police.

Journalist and former political prisoner Afgan Mukhtarli, who lives in Germany, told Meydan TV that the Azerbaijani authorities have a documented history of conducting operations against critics abroad. He cited the cases of Rauf Mirqadirov, who was abducted; of Bayram Mammadov, who died in mysterious circumstances in Turkey; of Vugar Rza, who died similarly in Belgium; of Huseyn Bakikhanov, who was openly murdered in Tbilisi; and of Vidadi Isgandarli, who was killed in France. Most recently, he noted, Mohammed Mirzali had survived armed and knife attacks in France. “Taking all this into account, the lives of Azerbaijani political emigrants, bloggers, and journalists are under real threat,” Mukhtarli said.

He named those he believes are currently being targeted: Ganimat Zahid, editor-in-chief of Azadliq newspaper; blogger Qabil Mammadov; journalist Emin Huseynov and his brother Mehman Huseynov; and religious figures Alemdar Bunyadov and Orkhan Agayev.

Mukhtarli urged those receiving threats to report them immediately to the law enforcement and intelligence services of their host countries, to avoid traveling alone, to stay in populated areas, to refrain from going out late at night, and to have their phones checked for spyware and location-tracking software. “Pay very serious attention to personal security,” he warned.

Mehman Huseynov confirmed that German criminal police had placed his home and the surrounding area under surveillance. “I have been assigned protection, and I am not leaving the house,” he said. He added that French, German, and Swiss criminal police are now collaborating to counter transnational crimes targeting Azerbaijani exiles. Ganimat Zahid, living in France, is also said to be under serious threat.

Supreme Court’s Privacy Ruling: Protecting Rights or Silencing Critics?

February 9, 2026 – Azerbaijan’s Supreme Court has adopted a sweeping new resolution on the protection of personality rights, prohibiting the dissemination of information about a person’s private and family life — even when that information is accurate — without their consent.

Under the new rules, individuals may now seek civil remedies on the grounds of privacy violation regardless of whether the information in question is true or false. They can demand moral damages, deletion of the content, a retraction, or an injunction against further publication. Previously, civil action was only possible if the information published was demonstrably false.

The ruling has drawn considerable public attention, not least because it came shortly after blogger Mehman Huseynov published a series of videos about Alyona Aliyeva, the daughter-in-law of President Ilham Aliyev. Critics have questioned whether the timing is coincidental.

Jurist Fariz Namazli told Meydan TV that while the ruling addresses a genuine gap in existing law — there was previously no effective civil remedy for the unauthorized disclosure of true private information — it carries a serious risk of being weaponized against journalists and bloggers. He noted that recent social media posts touching on the private and family lives of public officials had increasingly prompted calls for legal accountability against those who published them.

Jamil Hasanli, chairman of the National Council, was more direct. He described the ruling as part of a broader strategy to curtail freedoms in Azerbaijan, arguing that its practical effect would fall almost exclusively on journalists, bloggers, and those who disseminate information about those in power. He pointed out the deep irony: Azerbaijani authorities themselves have for years gathered, used, and publicized the private information of activists and dissidents — including through the placement of covert surveillance devices in people’s homes — and have used that material as a tool of blackmail and intimidation through state-aligned media outlets. “It appears the authorities will use this law to target journalists and bloggers and restrict the freedom of those working in the information space,” Hasanli said.

Azerbaijan’s Constitution already guarantees privacy under Article 32, prohibiting the collection, storage, use or dissemination of personal information without a person’s consent. Critics argue the new ruling does not strengthen those protections in practice — it primarily creates a new legal instrument that can be turned against those who expose wrongdoing by the powerful.

Blogger Arrested Under Newly Amended Information Law [updated Feb 23]

On February 2, TikTok blogger Salman Mammadov — known online as “Velizar” — was administratively detained on charges of disseminating prohibited content. Mammadov had attracted widespread public attention through live fundraising streams. 

The arrest followed amendments to the Law on Information, Informatization and Protection of Information, signed by President Ilham Aliyev. The amendments ban the mass dissemination of content deemed to insult public morality or show explicit disrespect for society in a manner contrary to national moral values.

Six People Fined or Jailed for Social Media Posts

The same legal framework has produced its first documented wave of enforcement actions. According to a formal statement by the Prosecutor General’s Office, six people have already been penalised for social media posts under the new provisions: four received administrative detention, and two were fined.

The Prosecutor General’s Office stated that those individuals had posted content “insulting public morality, displaying open disrespect and content contrary to ethics” on social networks. Authorities issued a public warning that “the digital space is not a lawless or uncontrolled zone,” and threatened continued enforcement against anyone publishing content that targets national moral values.

The relevant article carries penalties of between 500 and 1,000 manat or up to 30 days’ administrative detention for a first offence. Repeat offenders face fines of 1,000–2,000 manat or detention of one to two months.

Former Investigator Arrested for Facebook Post Contradicting President

On February 23, Mushfig Abbasov — a former investigator at the Baku City Chief Prosecutor’s Office — was sentenced to 15 days of administrative detention by the Yasamal District Court following a request from the prosecution.

He was found in violation of Article 388-1.1.1 of the Administrative Offences Code, which prohibits posting content on information networks or telecommunications networks that is prohibited by law.

The post in question was a brief Facebook status update that directly contradicted a remark by President Ilham Aliyev at the Munich Security Conference. After Aliyev declared that “there are no independent media anywhere in the world,” Abbasov wrote: “There are no independent media in the world, but we have some.” That sentence was sufficient grounds for his detention. Abbasov had previously been imprisoned for bribery.

Social media activist known for his vocal criticism of the Azerbaijani government, detained and placed in pre-trial custody

Dayanat Chalabilyev was detained on December 22. Two days later, the Khatai District Court ordered his arrest. In a controversial procedural move, the trial was presided over by Judge Rafael Sadikhov, whose official judicial powers had reportedly expired just days prior to the hearing.

Chalabilyev, an English language teacher by profession, faces charges of intentionally causing serious harm to health. If convicted, he faces a prison sentence ranging from 6 to 11 years.

Chalabilyev has pleaded not guilty, maintaining that the charges are a direct retaliation for his online activism. Only 24 hours before his arrest, he posted a scathing critique of the administration on Facebook, stating:

“The Aliyev family rule has not strengthened the country; it has weakened it. The state has been personalized, the people marginalized, and the future has been mortgaged.”

This arrest follows a pattern of digital repression in Azerbaijan, where social media posts often serve as the catalyst for criminal prosecution under unrelated penal codes.

A Pattern of Harassment

Chalabilyev previously served a 30-day administrative sentence on charges of “hooliganism” and “disobeying police orders”—common charges often leveled against civil rights defenders and digital activists in Azerbaijan to silence dissent.

In Azerbaijan, authorities often resort to the “Defamation” Trap: While Azerbaijan has moved toward decriminalizing libel in some spheres, authorities frequently use “hooliganism” or “drug possession” charges to arrest individuals whose primary “offense” is a viral Facebook post or a critical YouTube comment.

how copyright violation requests to platforms are silencing Azerbaijani voices

For years, the promise of the digital town square was built on a simple premise: technology would democratize the truth, allowing the voices of the marginalized to bypass the gatekeepers of state-controlled media. Yet, for independent journalists and activists in Azerbaijan or based abroad, this promise has been inverted. Instead of a megaphone, platforms like YouTube and Facebook have increasingly functioned as automated guillotines, where legitimate dissent is silenced not by a state decree but by a “copyright strike.”

This act of censorship is rarely carried out directly by the state. Instead, it is outsourced to a murky ecosystem of pro-government entities and shadowy third-party agencies. These actors exploit the Notice-and-Takedown systems—mechanisms designed for Silicon Valley legal compliance—to flag critical reports as intellectual property violations. Whether it is political commentary or footage of a protest, takedown requests are considered, and content disappears without any checks or balances on the platforms themselves.

The platforms’ complicity lies in their institutional blindness. Driven by a desire for global scale and automated efficiency, tech giants have retreated behind “black box” algorithms that lack any understanding of national nuances. In the eyes of a YouTube content ID system, a claim from a Baku-based media company looks like a standard commercial dispute; in reality, it is often a state-sponsored attempt to wipe an investigative archive off the map. By failing to invest in regional expertise or recognize the specific patterns of “copyright trolling” used by the Aliyev regime, platforms have effectively handed authoritarian states a “delete” button for the truth.

In Azerbaijan, where independent outlets like Abzas Media and Meydan TV already face the physical threat of imprisonment and exile, the loss of a digital platform is more than a technical hurdle—it is a total erasure of the public record. 

Below are just some of the most recent examples that show platforms’ complicity and their lack of understanding of nuances. 

Meydan TV

On December 16, Meydan TV’s Facebook and Instagram pages received a copyright violation by member of parliament Ulvi Guliyev. Despite the team’s submission of counter-strike evidence that the reported content violated no copyright rules, Meta did not change its original decision. Meydan TV’s Instagram page suffered too. The account, which has almost 1 million followers, was suspended over a similar claim. 

Azad Soz

The online channel had several of its videos removed, and it is facing closure with over 800k subscribers. The targeting is based on bogus court orders submitted to YouTube, which the platform has taken into account without considering that the country’s judiciary lacks independence and fails to guarantee a fair trial. 

The channel’s TikTok accounts are also blocked in the country. 

Afgan Mukhtarli

Exiled journalist reported back in October that his TikTok channel was blocked in Azerbaijan. The process was gradual. The journalist said he noticed a drop in views. After research, Mukhtarli learned that his page was blocked in the country. Before this, his TikTok account was closed by the platform itself in September. He appealed, and the account was reinstated. 

Hamam Times

HamamTimes, an online media outlet, has also faced digital targeting. In the last year alone, its pages on Instagram, Facebook, and TikTok were subjected to fabricated copyright violation reports, resulting in posts being deleted and pages temporarily shut down.

In April, their Instagram account was suspended for 16 days, while on Facebook, several posts were deleted without any notification.

META explained the reason as a “breach of intellectual property rights.” But failed to provide any further evidence. Only with the intervention of third parties was the platform able to restore access to its account and content. The platform believes it was its coverage of Kapital Bank – one of the biggest banks in Azerbaijan, which belongs to the ruling family – and a serious security breach in the bank’s digital systems, which led thousands of bank customers to fall into the hands of scammers and lose vast sums of funds.

Similarly, META deleted Hamam Times’ posts about Kapital Bank without giving any notification.

All of these experiences have led users of social media platforms to believe there is an on-going working relationship between the authorities and the platforms. 

in absentia arrest warrants and trials

In March of this year, criminal cases were opened against several bloggers living in exile, and the targeting of Azerbaijanis abroad has intensified since then. In November 2025, among those named in a new wave of investigations were Ganimat Zahid, the exiled editor-in-chief of the now-defunct Azadliq newspaper; historian Altay Goyushov; political analyst Arastun Orujlu; Beydulla Manafov and Abid Gafarov; and journalist Sevinc Osmanqizi. 

Zahid’s trial began on December 9.

He as well as other named individuals, is charged under Article 281.2 of the Criminal Code – public calls directed against the state, when committed repeatedly or by a group of persons. 

Oruclu, Osmangizi, and Gafarov are also accused of Article 220.2 – calls for mass unrest and violence against citizens. Manafov is facing an additional charge under Article 283.1 – actions aimed at inciting national, racial, social, or religious hatred and hostility.

Osmangizi has a YouTube channel Osmangizi TV. Gafarov is an employee of an online television KIM. Manafov was a frequent guest on Turan TV, an online television channel where he often criticized the authorities.

judges seek arrest of a citizen after his criticism on social media

In Azerbaijan, five judges jointly sought the arrest of a citizen over statements he made about them. The 63-year-old Hikmat Shukurov was also ordered to pay compensation of 10,000 manats to each judge.

The chair of the Shirvan Court of Appeal, Vali Abdullayev, and judge of the same court, Elchin Khasmammadov; the chair of the Masalli District Court, Firdovsi Aliyev, and judge of that court, Elshan Huseynov; as well as Judge Jeyhun Mustafayev of the Shirvan City Court, jointly filed a private prosecution claim. They alleged that H. Shukurov, a resident of Masalli, insulted them and slandered them by accusing them of taking bribes in comments he posted on social media.

Relying on Articles 147.2 (defamation by accusing a person of committing a serious crime) and 148 (insult) of the Criminal Code, the judges sought Shukurov’s punishment. They demanded compensation of 50,000 manats each, totaling 250,000 manats.

In a recent ruling by the Binagadi District Court, the judges’ complaint led to a two-year prison sentence for Shukurov. The civil claim was partially upheld, and he was ordered to pay 50,000 manats in compensation to the judges.

Shukurov, however, does not consider himself guilty.

further restrictions discussed on dissemination of forbidden information

On November 24, a joint online meeting of the Milli Majlis Committees on Legal Policy and State Building and on Human Rights was held.

According to the Parliament’s Press and Public Relations Department, the chair of the Committee on Legal Policy and State Building, Ali Huseynli, stated that the agenda included a single item: a draft law on amendments to the Code of Administrative Offenses and to the Law “On Information, Informatization, and Protection of Information.”

It was noted that the main purpose of the draft law is to protect public morality, in particular to shield adolescents and young people from harmful and unethical information disseminated on social networks, as well as to improve existing legislation by clarifying accountability mechanisms in the online environment.

At the end of the meeting, the draft law was recommended for consideration at the Milli Majlis plenary session in its first reading.

According to the draft, it would be prohibited to post information in publicly accessible information resources that involves actions demonstrating blatant disrespect toward society, the use of obscene expressions, or the display of parts of the human body in a manner contrary to moral norms and national and spiritual values.

It was reported that corresponding amendments would also be made to the Code of Administrative Offenses, imposing relevant penalties.

Independent experts believe that adopting this draft would further tighten the law in question. In their view, in many cases, the cited provisions could be used to curtail freedom of expression artificially.

Previously, a number of amendments were made in Azerbaijan to the Law “On Information, Informatization, and Protection of Information.” Amendments adopted in 2017 granted executive authorities the power to block electronic resources without a court decision. In the same year, the websites of Radio Azadliq (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Azerbaijani service), Meydan TV, and the Azadliq newspaper were blocked by court order. This was justified by claims that certain materials published on these sites posed a “threat to interests protected by the law of the state and society.” However, during court proceedings, representatives of the outlets stated that the allegations were unfounded.

In subsequent years, this practice continued.

motion to place journalist under house arrest rejected

On November 20, the Sabail District Court considered a motion to place Hurriyyet TV’s detained editor-in-chief, Vugar Mammadov (Tofigoglu), under house arrest due to health concerns. The motion was denied despite Mammadov’s health condition.

Mammadov was arrested on October 30, 2025, and sentenced to 3 months and 13 days of detention on extortion charges on October 31.

According to Radio Liberty Azerbaijan Service, the State Security Service (SSS) conducted an operation at the editorial office on October 29. As a result, devices and documents were seized. Other employees were also briefly detained but later released. 

Mammadov’s home was also searched. 

on a mission to spread propaganda

The blocking of 3,932 YouTube channels linked to Azerbaijan-backed influence operations by Google’s Threat Analysis Group (TAG) in the first two quarters of 2025 indicates a persistent and significant effort to spread propaganda. These channels were specifically noted for “sharing content in Azerbaijani, supportive of Azerbaijan, and critical of Armenia and critics of the Azerbaijani government.”

This sustained activity points to:

  • Systematic Information Warfare: The large number of channels suggests a well-organized and extensive campaign, likely state-sponsored or state-aligned, aimed at shaping public opinion both domestically and internationally.
  • Targeted Narratives: The content’s focus on supporting Azerbaijan while criticizing Armenia and domestic critics indicates a clear agenda to control narratives related to geopolitical conflicts and internal dissent. This aligns with the broader context of the Azerbaijani government’s tightening control over information, as evidenced by recent legislative changes impacting NGOs and media.
  • Use of Digital Platforms for Influence: YouTube, as a widely accessible platform, is being leveraged to disseminate these narratives, highlighting the importance of social media in modern propaganda efforts.
  • Google TAG’s Role in Countering Disinformation: Google TAG’s consistent identification and blocking of these channels underscore the ongoing battle between state-backed influence operations and platform efforts to maintain integrity and prevent the spread of harmful or manipulative content. The continuous blocking action suggests an arms race where propagandists attempt to create new channels as old ones are shut down.

In the context of the legislative changes, which aim to restrict independent media and NGOs, the aggressive online propaganda campaigns further demonstrate the Azerbaijani government’s comprehensive approach to controlling information and stifling dissenting voices. The blocking of these channels by Google TAG effectively highlights the digital front of this broader struggle for information control.

Here is a breakdown: 

  • Q1 2025: 1,562 (January) + 787 (February) + 542 (March) = 2,891 channels
  • Q2 2025: 356 (April) + 457 (May) + 228 (June) = 1,041 channels
  • Total Azerbaijan-linked channels blocked in Q1 and Q2 2025: 3,932 channels.

Last year, Google TAG identified and took down over 14,000 YouTube channels serving a similar purpose.